Religion is designed to focus the people's attention and energy on a single, unchanging, uncompromising and invisible supreme being who allegedly created an inferior human race just for some extra companionship and love for himself and then supposedly foisted a set of oppressive and in some cases arbitrary rules on them, which if broken would be met with unimaginable punishment. This keeps the followers in a continuing state of fear and compliance. They are afraid to question the intentions of this invisible being and they are afraid of even expressing their own individuality in many cases.
But it looks before and after in order to illustrate and supplement what they yield. The Debates have a special value, even beyond the pamphlet literature of the day, in giving us a spontaneous and unconscious revelation of the Puritan mind as it wrestles with its problems, practical and theoretic, in an effort not merely to justify a policy and battle down opposition, but to arrive at truth and agreement.
There are the sharpest cleavages of opinion between the Independents and their allies to the Left, and they sometimes develop an acrimony in debate that suggests outlooks absolutely alien from each other.
But even where they differ most markedly, they talk a common language very foreign to our ears; and all their differences are at last reducible to one: If the leaders on both sides came to the debate with a policy to advance, and with their minds largely closed, the other participants who also reveal the Puritan temper and ideology came both to convince and to be convinced; their presence and intervention are the necessary links between the opponents.
The debates were taken down in shorthand, presumably by Edition: The original notes were doubtless very defective. At some points the manuscript appears to be relatively correct and complete. At others it presents little more than a series of isolated phrases. Occasionally the order of the speeches is confused, owing as Firth plausibly suggests to the pages of the shorthand notes having got into the wrong order.
What is less easy to explain is how sentences and clauses within a single speech have been wrested from their correct positions: But by far the commonest type of error is precisely the one that would be expected when an unskilful reporter is trying to copy verbatim the speeches in an excited argument: No speech of any length is wholly free from this defect, and what appears at first sight to be an error in order sometimes turns out to be more easily explicable and remediable as an error of omission.
The punctuation, which consists mainly of commas, serves in many instances rather to obscure than to An analysis of crowd control in addressing unlawful public assemblies the sense. I have adopted modern punctuation, 2 spelling, and capitalization, since those of the original merely set an obstacle between the reader and the idea.
Wherever feasible, I have restored the order of the manuscript. Finally I have tried at the cost of a great deal of time and labour to leave no speech and no sentence unintelligible. Assuming the presence of an error of omission wherever the manuscript gave no clear sense, I have added in square brackets such words as seemed necessary to link up the broken fragments and to present in an intelligible form the argument deducible from the speech itself and from the answers that it received.
Nor do I think that it can justly be described as a less conservative text. The general reader who is willing to accept my judgment, can ignore square brackets and letters; the special student has before him the materials with which to construct at any moment his own reading.
Firth has spoken of the extraordinary difficulties presented to an editor of these reports by the state of the original. I can only in my own excuse emphasize these difficulties once more, and then record my constant debt to—for it would be impertinence to praise—his editorial labours: Thus they form an ideal point of departure for studying these two major and closely related themes, to whose illustration I have devoted Part III of the volume.
The selections there presented are not the sources, but representative analogues, of the arguments advanced in the Debates. As such they often serve to clarify the meaning of those arguments, and at the same time to illustrate the habit of mind from which the arguments spring.
Less intimate in their revelation than the Debates, they have their own value in exhibiting the Puritan temper and ideology, and are worthy of inclusion on their independent merits since many of them are available to the modern reader only in the largest or most highly specialized library.
Finally the Debates refer to some other documents, intrinsically less interesting perhaps, but essential to an understanding of what is said.
These I have placed in an Appendix, together with some evidence on the religious and political enthusiasms of the New Model, and some material, from the Clarke MSS. But if they are not to be misinterpreted they must be studied in connection with the situation in which the Puritans find themselves.
II Among the victors in the First Civil War with their history of conflicting principles and interests temporarily controlled by the necessity of defeating the enemy only one point was held in common: Beyond this general principle, disagreements at once emerged: Had that sovereignty been civil alone the problem would have presented enormous difficulties, but it was also ecclesiastical.
In the Puritan revolution the religious problem may not have been—was not, in fact—more important than the civil, but in itself it was certainly the more difficult of solution, and it so combined with the civil problem as to render it, too, well-nigh insoluble.
Among the victors four main groups may be roughly distinguished. Each has a particular set of principles to advance, and a particular set of interests to guard, in the proposed religious settlement; and each is not only influenced in its whole policy by the interests, but, in varying degrees, takes the colour of its political thinking from the principles.
Three of the groups fall under the general designation of Puritan; the fourth stands apart, for its guiding principle is secular, not religious, and its interest in the ecclesiastical settlement, while lively, is negative.
The first of the three religious groups, the Presbyterian, had led the attack on absolutism and dominated the earlier phases of the struggle with Charles. Though it had lost the military ascendancy it once possessed, it could still generally command a majority in Parliament, and it hoped with or without Scottish aid to effect a settlement of the kingdom in its own interests.
It stood for adherence to the Covenant, the establishment of Presbyterianism on the general lines laid down by the Westminster Assembly, and the suppression of every other doctrine and order.
It was opposed to toleration, and was in general less interested in liberty than in reform.
Its alliance with the Scots was its potential military strength and its actual political weakness, for in moments when national feeling ran high its majority in Parliament became a minority.
But English Presbyterianism is not to be confounded with Scottish. Few indeed wished to see the Scottish church duplicated in England. Not only did the Presbyterian Party in Parliament rely on the Erastians to make its majority effective; its own adherents as Baillie and his fellow Commissioners had lamented were tainted with Erastianism.Top 10% Absolutely Positively the Best 30 Death Penalty Websites on the Internet (Top 1%) Death Penalty Information Center Probably the single most comprehensive and authoritative internet rersource on the death penalty, including hundreds of anti-death penalty articles, essays, and quotes on issues of deterrence, cost, execution of the innocent, racism, public opinion, women, juveniles.
Crowd management is defined as techniques used to manage lawful public assemblies before, during, and after an event for the purpose of maintaining the event's lawful status.
Crowd management can be accomplished in part through coordination with event planners and group leaders, permit monitoring, and past event critiques. If a crime is occurring.
and Control APPENDIX B Crowd Management Intervention and Control Strategies Situation Lawful Assembly Free Speech and assembly are protected First Amendment activities. and without authority of law. action may be taken to stop it prior to a Dispersal Order being given.: Speeches Picketing Marches Public assemblies.
CHAPTER 40B UNIT APARTMENTS COMING. Stoughton residents may have breathed a sigh of relief when the old dilapidated Kennedy property across .
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